All about Coal Research Paper Example | Topics and Well Written Essays - 1750 words

All about Coal - Research Paper Example The reason for the gathering of coal was primarily for household uses, namely heat. It was later discovered that it played an important role with its heating capabilities in smelting, alloy production and the generation of electricity. Sir George Bruce created a loading island where he sank a shaft connected to two others for drainage purposes and ventilation. This form of technology was extraordinary in coal mining during medieval times, often considered an industrial wonder of the time. In the 17th century many advances in the techniques used for mining were discovered, including test boring and drainage of the collieries, to allow the coal to be brought to the surface easier and more safely. Definition Merriam-Webster (2011) defines coal as â€Å"a piece of glowing carbon or charred wood†. This is a curious definition, as most would think of coal as simply a dirty, black rock that creates heat and is great for summer barbecues. The fact that it is defined as â€Å"glowingà ¢â‚¬  and â€Å"charred wood† leave the mind to wonder how was coal formed then? If it is already â€Å"charred wood†, why would we use it? It’s already been burned up, so what use can it be? The answer lies in the reason and process through which coal was formed. How coal was formed The formation of coal began around 300 million years ago, while most of the earth was covered by swamps, giant ferns and different mosses. Layer after layer of these plants died and subsequently were compressed and covered with new soil. As these new layers of soil covered the dead plants, the lack of air stopped the decomposition processes of the plants. This created peat, and throughout the years with heat and extensive pressure, it forced out oxygen and hydrogen, leaving carbon-rich deposits known as coal. As the carbon content of the coal increases, its compression is increased and the moisture content drops further. Thusly, there are four types of coal that form in subsequent order, each with its own grading scale, known as a â€Å"rank† (Speight, 2005). (stovesonline.co.uk) III. Four Categories of Coal The four categories of coal are lignite, subbituminous, bituminous and anthracite. Each one has its own ranking, based on the degree of which the original plant materials have been turned into carbon. These ranks are also used an estimation of how old the coal is. In general, the older the coal, the higher the carbon content. Lignite coal is the youngest of the four, and is most often used in the generation of electric power. It is a brownish black color and has a high moisture and sulphur content. It is more similar to soil than rocks and has a tendency to fragment when exposed to the elements. Subbituminous coal is often referred to as black lignite, although its moisture content is lower. It is also used for the generation of electricity, but also used for heating. Bituminous coal is a soft coal. iIt is dense and black with stripes of vibrant an d dull materials. This is the most commonly found and used type of coal, for coke (a residue of coal used in the steel industry), electricity, and heating as well. The last of the four, anthracite coal, is the hardest, oldest and best of the four types. It is black, glossy and very hard like a rock. It has the lowest sulphur content and the highest carbon

Nurse-to-Patient Ratio Research Proposal Example | Topics and Well Written Essays - 2000 words

Nurse-to-Patient Ratio - Research Proposal Example However, this factor is never considered when nurses are assigned to care for a selected number of patients. Quoting Barbara Blakeney, President, American Nurses Association (ANA), the American Association of Critical Care Nurses (AACN) endorses the fact that inadequate nurse staffing is the primary concern for the nurses and that â€Å"when RN care is insufficient, patient safety is compromised and the risk of death is increased† (Nurse-to-Patient Ratios, 2007). Shortage of nurses places extra onus on the available staff and hence seasoned nurses are matriculating away from bedside nursing. This happens primarily because the added tasks needed to be performed are not directly related to patient care. This can be evidenced in the case of Cameroon Diva, a BSN, who states that she wants to quit bedside nursing because in the hospital where she has worked, they had â€Å"extreme staff shortage and not enough nursing assistance on the floor† (Diva, 1996). Besides, the frequ ent changes in computerized charting require nurses to remain near their computers and take their time away from the primary task of patient care. It is a matter of common knowledge that higher patient-to-nurse ratios cause significant physical and mental exhaustion and result in greater job dissatisfaction among nurses. Patient well-being directly correlates to the amount of nursing care a patient receives daily. Therefore, in order to achieve the objective of providing quality patient care, administrators and managers need to ensure that healthcare institutions attain an appropriate level of patient-nurse ratio. Problem Statement: Current policy on Medical-Surgical nursing units across America’s hospitals require that Registered Nurses care for five to six (average of â€Å"5.25†) acutely and chronically ill patients in a 12 hour shift (Welton, 2007). Licensed practical nurses also care for 6 to 7 patients during a 12 hour shift. Nurses feel that added tasks take awa y a considerable portion of their time, which otherwise can be spent on patient care. The diversification in the roles of nurses today, through deployment on other tasks, calls for a closer examination of the need to change the policy pertaining to nurse–to-patient ratios. In this context, the findings of Aiken et al can be perceived as the â€Å"primary arguments for setting specific nurse-to-patient staffing ratios† (Welton, 2007). There is a definitive discrepancy between what healthcare administrators believe to be adequate the level of nurse-patient ratio and actual number of patients a nurse is required to care for. This creates impediments in administering proper care to the needy patients, which, in turn, impacts patient mortality rates. Besides, the shortage in staffing also adversely affects the job satisfaction of nurses and, as a consequence, their rate of burnout increases. Purpose of the Study: The purpose of this study is to determine whether there exist s a correlation between nurse-to-patient ratios and patient mortality. The number of patients cared for by a single nurse may have better outcomes in terms of length of hospital stay and fewer complications. Additionally, nurses who derive satisfaction from their jobs are less likely to leave their jobs. The study will also investigate the increasing trend of nurse burnout and find

Minireview of A Study Essay Example for Free

Minireview of A Study Essay Synaptic transmission in vertebrate neuromuscular junctions forms the basis of this study. The communication between neurons in the nervous system occurs largely due to neurotransmitter release at the synapses. Messages on the various significant nervous system functions are coordinated through the synaptic junctions and the release of neurotransmitters. Ryanodine receptors are found in the somata of the Purkinje cells, basket cells and pre-synaptic terminals of specific synapses and terminals of basket cells. Calcium in the extracellular fluid triggers the neurotransmitter release. Now it is understood that pre-synaptic stores could participate in this same function. Ryanodine-sensitive stores of calcium also play a role. The quantum is the amount of spontaneous signals occurring in the absence of pre-synaptic action potentials and is equivalent to the release of one neurotransmitter vesicle (Katz, 1969). The action potentials are called miniature currents. For central synapses in the brain, large miniature currents are believed to arise from the release of many neurotransmitter or presynaptic vesicles and in the range of several quanta (Bekkers, 1994). Yoshida’s study (1994) revealed that these multivesicular miniature events could actually be tetrodotoxin-resistant action potentials in the pre-synaptic terminals. Other researchers have tried to explain the phenomenon from another angle, using the presence of intracellular calcium stores in the pre-synaptic terminals. Nakanishi et al localized inositol triphosphate receptors in the neural tissue of the developing and adult mouse brain (1991). These were immunolocalised in the pre-synaptic terminals of the deep cerebellar nuclei and the retina of the eyes. Narita’s studies (1998, 2000) revealed the action of ryanodine-sensitive calcium stores at the frog neuromuscular junctions. It was discovered that agents which influence the ryanodine-sensitive Calcium stores also increased the intracellular Calcium in the pre-synaptic cells and regulated acetyl choline release during high frequency stimulation. Mothet et al (1998) studied the action potentials at the pre-synaptic terminals of the buccal ganglia in Aplysia. They indicated that ryanodine inhibited while the pre-synaptic injection of Cyclic ADP Ribose augmented the action potential evoked release of acetyl choline at synapses. Studies also showed that caffeine with or without ryanodine modifies Calcium stores at the pre-synaptic terminals in autonomic ganglia (Peng, 1996; Smith et al, 1996) and in photoreceptors (Krizaj, 1999). Studies on hippocampal pyramidal cells have shown that Caffeine or thapsigargin influences the frequency of miniature IPSCs. Making an assumption, from prior studies described above, that spontaneous Calcium release from pre-synaptic Calcium stores may provide the synchronisation mechanism that causes multivesicular miniature IPSCs and the fact that such a hypothesis has not been tested systematically previously, the authors have taken up this topic for their study on cerebellar interneuron Purkinje cells. This Study   Methods Experiments were conducted on the sagittal cerebellar slices of decapitated rats aged 10-14 days of age. During the experimental recordings, the slices were perfused in saline containing prescribed concentrations of NaCl, KCl, Na H2PO4, NaHCO3, CaCl2, MgCl2 and glucose with 95:5 mixture of oxygen and carbon dioxide. Experiments were done at room temperature. For tight-seal whole-cell recordings, pipettes filled with a solution of appropriate concentrations of CsCl, MgCl2, HEPESCs, BAPTA-Cs (Molecular Probes, Eugene, Oregon), CaCl2, Na-GTP and Na-ATP and of pH 7.3 were used. Capacitance cancellation and series resistance compensation had been done. Kynurenic acid had been added to the extracellular solution to block the inotropic gluatamate receptors. TTX was present in the solution for all recordings. The calcium free solutions were prepared by leaving out Calcium and adding EGTA Na. Membrane potential was maintained at -60mV and the current was filtered at 1.5-2 kHz. Sampling was done continuously with brief interruptions. Detection and analysis were done using the IGOR-Pro programming environment. In experiments needing a Calcium channel blocker, cytochrome was added to the external solution. The toxin was prepared while the ryanodine was purchased. Testing the Calcium The Calcium in the basket cells were tested using the Two-photon laser scanning Fluorescence microscopy. For studying the action potential-evoked calcium increases, bicuculline was added to the external solution and the calcium sensitive probe Oregon Green was put into the pipettes. Scans were done and pulses were applied at the end of each 8th scan. This was repeated every minute in external solution which contained saline in order to get a baseline. The external solution was then changed to the solution containing ryanodine and recording proceeded for another 15 minutes. Another set of recordings were done with external solution not having calcium but having EGTA Na. The internal solution also had EGTA and Cs instead of K as the main cation. The responses in Spontaneous Calcium transients also were recorded using molecular probes in the external solution. A pseudo line scan was also done. For immunocytochemistry, a rabbit polyclonal anti-serum was raised to the 16 amino-acids found in all mammals. A C terminal cysteine enabled conjugation to haemocyanin. The conjugated peptide was used to immunize rabbits. Then the ELISA confirmed the specificity. The sarcoplasmic and endoplasmic reticulum microsomes derived from the skeletal muscle, cardiac tissue, whole brain and cerebellum were used for immunoblot analysis. Effects of external Calcium concentration. Large amplitude miniature IPSCs in cerebellar Purkinje cells were found sensitive to extracellular Calcium. With calcium free solution, the mIPSC frequency fell suddenly to half the control level. Continued exposure to the low level of external calcium caused the frequency of mIPSC to continue declining but at a slower rate. On washing after this, the frequency recovered and reached its initial level. The amplitude of the mIPSCs on the other hand showed a steady decline all through and no recovery on washing. With high levels of Calcium, the frequency of the mIPSCs increased rapidly and significantly. The change in amplitude varied from no response to a minimal increase. The inference was that Calcium strongly influenced mIPSCs in the Purkinje cells though frequency and amplitude were differently affected. The rapid change in frequency was interpreted as the reaction of intracellular Calcium to external Calcium changes. The slow change in amplitude was considered due to the extracellular influence on the pre-synaptic stores. The prolonged extracellular calcium removal could have caused selective elimination of large amplitude miniature IPSCs. Repeating with a calcium-free solution, many large amplitude miniature IPSCs were seen again. Then there was a sudden drop and then the amplitudes reduced to become concurrent with the control and the IPSCs were also less. The reduction seen when external Calcium was removed was not due to post-synaptic modifications. On returning to the calcium-rich solution, a slight recovery of both amplitude and frequency occurred. Paired Student’s t-tests indicate significant changes in mean amplitude and frequency between mIPSCs recorded during a 3-min control period and after 15–18 min in Calcium-free external solution. 6 sham experiments were also conducted by keeping the slices in Calcium containing external solution all throughout and these showed no obvious change. The time course of decay of the IPSCs was slower in calcium-free external solution when compared to depolarization-induced calcium transients. Effects of elevated intracellular Calcium Elevated intracellular Calcium in the Purkinje cells caused a speedy frequency reduction and a slow increase in amplitude. This sudden fall could not be explained by the intracellular calcium as BAPTA buffered the Calcium in the cells and could not have caused the IPSCs. Effect of the axons in large amplitude miniature IPSCs The immediate slow changes in the amplitude of IPSCs on withdrawal of external calcium for 3 minutes could not be attributed to the delayed removal of external calcium from pre-synaptic release sites. The effect was also not due to local Calcium influx caused by the TTX insensitive axonal depolarization. For the latter test, external Cd,   a non-selective channel blocker, was used. It reduced the action potential-evoked pre-synaptic Calcium transients seen in the axons and pre-synaptic terminals of cerebellar interneurons. The slow changes in amplitude were therefore not connected to rundown or altered post-synaptic receptors or delayed extracellular calcium removal. The only remaining explanation was that multivesicular release under the pre-synaptic calcium stores could have caused the changes in amplitude. The lack of recovery after external Calcium restoration could be due to the slow store refilling of intracellular Calcium when action potentials and subsequent calcium influx are blocked. Rise Time Kinetics The multi-vesicular release also could not completely explain the slow changes in amplitude. Rise time of IPSCs as a function of amplitude was studied after extended external calcium removal. In 6 of the 8 cells tested, the rise time was heterogenous in nature where two subpopulations were concerned. Slower decay kinetics was also noted. A faster rise time was seen in the proximal dendrites and soma. Faster IPSCs were more sensitive to external calcium removal than slow ones and these IPSCs arose at somatic synapses. The origin being multivesicular, synchronisation time must have been in the range of submillisecond. Some IPSCs had slower rise time and decays and were less sensitive to external calcium removal. These IPSCs could be arising from dendrites and could be having synchronisation of 1-4ms. Ryanodine receptors The two photon laser illumination was used to focus on the ryanodine receptors stained with a high-affinity Calcium-sensitive dye, Oregon Green BAPTA-1. Transient rises of Calcium in the stained ryanodine receptors in response to short trains of action potentials were measured. The fluorescence rises were noted. Ryanodine-sensitive Calcium stores are associated with the large amplitude mIPSCs. In the experiment Ryanodine in large concentrations of 100 ÃŽ ¼M blocked the receptors. The response recorded showed that Ryanodine reduced the mean amplitude and frequency of mIPSCs simultaneously. The responses to muscimol were not affected by ryanodine and the researchers assumed that ryanodine had no post synaptic effect. Axonal spots with calcium stores were identified in pre-synaptic terminals by recording responses to short action potentials. The intracellular Calcium fluctuations in response to differing concentrations of external calcium to which small concentrations of ryanodine were added was checked. Repeated scanning in the presence of TTX was done. Spontaneous calcium transients were noted before and after addition of ryanodine. Bright spots of fluorescence were noted at the pre-synaptic terminals. This signified the presence and increase of Calcium at the pre-synaptic terminals. Experiments were then done with small concentrations of Ryanodine 10 ÃŽ ¼M. Large amplitude mIPSCs were recorded. High frequency bursts and amplitudes of the responses were greatly increased. The bursts could reflect the response at multivesicular and monovesicular sites. The histogram comparing the amplitudes in the control and after ryanodine was added showed a significant difference. The spontaneous Calcium transients occur at basket cell axons and their frequency was increased by small concentrations of ryanodine.

The Concepts Of Participation In Governments Politics Essay

The Concepts Of Participation In Governments Politics Essay Participation is a concept that has been continually contested within the academic literature. The term has sparked a lot of debate and become an important concept relating to democracy and justice. Participation has been characterised as a vehicle for enabling citizen interaction and citizen power. Cornwall (2008) has described participation as a malleable concept, suggesting that the concept can denote itself to any situation in which people are involved. This however has created a significant limitation for the applicability of participation in natural resources management. Passive participation has increasingly become more evident within environmental management through processes such as tokenism and consultation. The following essay will examine and critically evaluate the different typologies of participation. Due to the variety of typologies proposed within the literature, only the frameworks proposed by Sherry Arnstein, Jules Pretty and Sarah White will be critically evaluate d. Environmental examples of participation will then be illustrated in order to determine the extent to which participation as a malleable concept is a strength or limitation for natural resource management. Sherry Arnstein provided one of the first models of public participation. Arnsteins Ladder of Participation was published in 1969, and sought to summarize the context of American public planning at the time (Bishop and Davis, 2002). Public participation and power sharing during this time consisted of an us and them approach (ref). At the centre of this philosophy, the ideals of democracy were broken. Arnstein suggested that power had not equally been distributed amongst all members of society (ref). As a result, Arnstein advocated for a framework in which the planning process adequately took into consideration the ideals and opinions of public citizens (Hayward et al., 2004). Arnsteins model comprised of a ladder, which metaphorically denoted levels of citizen participation. Each ascending level of the ladder, described as rungs, characterised a level of influential power citizens could have within the planning process (Arnstein, 1969). Arnsteins ladder ultimately consisted of eight rungs, therefore, describing eight typologies of participation. At the bottom of Arnsteins ladder is Manipulation. Arnstein described this level of participation as an unauthentic form of citizen participation. At this level of the rung, power graspers such as politicians were considered by Arnstein to deform the processes of public relations (Litva et al., 2002). Arnstein suggested that citizens were often placed on advisory boards with the purpose of authorities attempting to educate them about particular issue (ref). Arnstein believed that this level of participation was somewhat illusionary, in the sense that minority groups were often targeted and manipulated by power holders (ref). Much of the decision making powers still remain within the hands of authorities, and ethnic groups or special interest groups were simply forced to comply with the decision that had already been made (Whitman, 1994). The next rung on Arnsteins ladder is a form of participation labelled as Therapy. Therapy is advocated by Arnstein as another form of illusionary ci tizen participation. Arnstein suggested that authoritarians such as mental health experts, social workers and politicians view those as powerless as mentally incapable (Shier, 2006). Therefore, making citizens engage in sessions of therapy and reform. Arnstein suggested that what made this form of citizen participation illusionary is that an extensive amount of spotlight is placed on curing citizens of their existing perceptions or opinions (McDonald, 1988). Less effort is focused on changing the power struggles that exist within societies which shape the current perceptions and opinions evident within specific classes of people (ref). Infroming is the next rung on Arnsteins Ladder. Arnstein characterised this level of participation as a way of legitimizing public participation through informing people of their rights and responsibilities (ref). However, more often than never, the flow of information had predominately focused on officials providing citizens with information through the use of various media, newsletters and reports (ref). This one way flow of information often did not provide citizens with an opportunity to voice their concerns, or provide officials with any feedback (ref). Therefore, ultimately decreasing the level of influence citizens are able to exert upon planning projects. The fourth rung on Arnsteins Ladder is Consultation. This is arguably the first instance in which the concept of consultation had been used within a planning context (ref). To further legitimize the process of public participation, Arnstein suggested that the opinions of citizens needed to be taken into account (ref). Meetin gs, public hearings and stakeholder reports had become the most common forums for enabling consultation amongst specific groups of people. Consultation consists more of just asking citizens about their views. The process is only valuable if further work is undertaken to adequately change policy structures in order the meet the needs of citizens (ref). Genuine consultation would therefore, consist of systematic meetings which can provide an open loop of communication for both authorities and citizens (ref). The Partnership rung on Arnsteins Ladder portrays the redistribution of powers amongst citizens and authorities. Ideally, at this level of participation, the ability to make decisions is left in the hands of both the public and private sector (ref). Partnership can be seen to effective when the citizens themselves are equipped with resources and finances. This can help community groups to barter with politicians and allow citizens to have an influence over project plans (ref). Citizen power increases further up Arnsteins ladder, with Delegated Power being a form of participation where citizens dominate the decision making process (ref). In this instance, the public would have assumed full responsibility and power over a specific project or plan. Such a circumstance is often reached when the public themselves hold significant trump cards, and are prepared to take full accountability for the outcomes of a particular programme (ref). The ultimate form of citizen power is characterised b y Arnstein as Citizen Control (more). Arnsteins Ladder provides a good explanation of the interactions between citizens and authorities. Though simplistic, the model has become an influential pillar within debates surrounding participation. Arnsteins metaphorical depiction of participation as power has influenced policy processes across the globe. Participation as evolved as an important mechanism for stakeholder engagement and community involvement (ref). Since the publication of the model in the late 1960s, many criticisms regarding Arnsteins typologies of participation have arisen (Lane, 2005). Arnsteins typology attempts to highlight the differences between the powerless and the powerful. It has been asserted that Arnstein does not consider the obstacles which may become apparent in achieving different levels of participation (Arnstein, 1969; Collins and Ison, 2006; more). Arnstein (1969) has suggested that there are obstacles that need to be overcome by both the citizens and the authorities. Authorities for instance need to overcome obstacles such as racism and be willing to shift the scales of power (Arnstein, 1969). Citizens in contrast need a knowledge base and resources to facilitate a strong and collective standing within society (Arnstein, 1969). Critics have also suggested that Arnsteins ladder may not be a realistic representation of participation (Tritter and McCallum, 2006). Arnstein categorised participation into eight rungs. In the real world however, there may be several more levels of participation occurring within society (Arnstein, 1969; Collins and Ison, 2006). Furthermore, the boundary between each category of participation may not be as distinctive as a step on a ladder (Arnstein, 1969). Tritter and McCallum (2006) have also suggested that Arnstein assumes that a hierarchical element exists within participation, which is in fact untrue. Arnsteins model suggests that citizen control is the ultimate goal for participation. Arnstein has neglected the possibility that often citizens may take part in the decision making process for a range of reasons. Arnsteins Ladder implies that if citizen control is not achieved, then there is an apparent failure within the participatory process (Tritter and McCallum, 2006). Bishop and Davis (2002) suggest that this linear relationship between the levels of participation suggests a false sense of notions with regard to policies. As Bishop and Davis (2002) argue, Arnsteins Ladder suggests that variations only occur between the parties engaged with participation, and the policies that exist within societies remain constant and uninfluential. Arnsteins framework ultimately does not place any emphasis on the importance of communication, fe edback loops or the different perceptions that shape peoples views on a particular situation (Tritter and McCallum, 2006). Nonetheless, Arnsteins Ladder provides us with the image that participation has contrasting degrees and levels within a planning context. It is therefore important to examine and understand other models of participation that are evident within the literature. Pretty (1995) has suggested that the concept of participation has different meanings for different groups of people. Pretty (1995) has put forward a more comprehensive framework to characterise participation. Prettys typology of participation consists of both detail and critique (Juarez and Brown, 2008). Pretty conceptualises participation within a local context, and takes into consideration the distributions of power and interests of stakeholders. Therefore, in theory, Pretty intends to offer different interpretations with regards to the concept of participation (ref). Pretty has developed a framework of participation that distinguishes between seven typologies. The first of these types is Manipulative Participation. In this typology, citizens have no decision making ability or voice (ref). The voices of citizens are often undermined, and the flow of information and communication is exclusive to a group of professionals (ref). The second typology is Passive Participation. Within this typology, authoritarians will often announce plans of a project or the outcomes of decisions that have already been established. Citizens only participate by being told about what has already been decided by the authorities (Juarez and Brown, 2008). Participation by Consultation is the third typology identified by Pretty. In this form of participation, citizens are consulted with by authorities (ref). Pretty notes that within this type of participation, professionals, experts and authorities will agree to hear the views of citizens and other interest groups; however, t here is no obligation for these views to be ultimately taken on board (Pretty, 1995). The fourth typology identified by Pretty is Participation for Material Incentives. Citizen participation is more active within this typology. Citizens participate by contributing resources or time in exchange for other material objects (ref). Pretty uses the example of farmers, whose fields and labour are used by experts during experiments or trials. The farmer however, remains inactive with regards to the project or programme. Yet, the farmer is still considered to be participating. Pretty acknowledges that once incentives are ended, the likelihood of any participation continuing decreases (ref). Functional Participation is described by Pretty as citizens forming groups in order to specific objectives of a project or plan (Pretty, 1995). Citizens once again only participate once all major decisions have been made by the professionals or experts. Local action is however, initiated by these citizen groups, therefore activating the practices and structures within neighbourhood communit ies (Juarez and Brown, 2008). Interactive Participation is where citizens venture in joint analysis. Pretty defines interactive participation as when multiple methodologies and several objectives are synthesized to create a common goal or understanding (Juarez and Brown, 2008). In this form of participation, citizens are given the power to maintain the practices and structures established within communities (ref). The last typology identified by Pretty is Self Mobilisation. In this, citizens are active participants, taking initiative to make changes independently to any external institution or group of experts (Pretty, 1995). Collaborative actions by citizens strengthen community bonds, as well as challenging any existing inequalities in power distributions (Pretty, 1995). Prettys classifications appear to cover most of the relevant forms of participation. Several limitations however are evident within Prettys description. Pretty suggests that low level of participations are enforced by external actors. Passive participation for instance, does not only occur in instances where people have been told what to do (ref). The participants themselves can increase the likelihood of passive participation due to significant shortages in their own resources (ref). For instance, citizens may lack a sound knowledge base about a particular issue. Therefore, even a well intended and interactive project may still fail due to insufficiencies on the part of citizens (ref). This further suggests that in some cases, a lack of participation cannot always be blamed on external actors or the design of a programme. Thus, the context in which participation occurs is a sensitive and significant variable to take into consideration (ref). Prettys typology also consists of several overlapping classifications. This makes it difficult to grasp a complete definition of participation as each typology is connected to the next (ref). For instance, the idea of manipulation is not exclusive to Prettys Participation through Manipulation typology. Manipulation is also manifested within other typologies such as participation for material objects or functional participation (ref). Pretty also assumes that a minimum amount of participation is occurring within each level of typology. This is problematic analytically. Pretty perhaps intended to only consider a framework in which participation is considered. In doing so however, a typology of non participation is lost in analysis. It had been argued that manipulation can be considered as a form of non participation (Hart, 1992 cited in Pretty, 1995). This however is problematic as even a small amount of participation can still influence the decision making process, making it impossibl e for non participation to occur (ref). Both Arnsteins and Prettys typologies are normative in nature, suggesting that the ideal form of participation is only located at the end of a specific spectrum (ref). These two models highlight the subtle effects of political affairs that are embedded within the participation debate. Questions surrounding control and power arise from participatory typologies, thus making it important to consider the underlying politics surrounding participation (ref). Whites (1996) typology of participation starts to deal with issues, and begins to consider the various stresses actors engaging in participation experience. Whites typology of participation is more complex. The framework used by White explores the many dimensions and interests involved within the process of participation (White, 1996). The identities, context and interests of both individuals and groups are also explored throughout the typologies (White, 1996). Whites typology of participation is separated into categories in which one can easily identify situations where opportunities are created, or power distributions are established (White, 1996). Whites framework is complex, thus is it important to note that participation itself is characterised as a dynamic process which does not remain constant (White, 1996). White suggests that circumstances of conflict and tension arise when one set of goals or ideas are prioritised over another, mirroring the power relations that underline the processes of participation (White, 1996). Whites framework of participation is divided into four types. The first of these is nominal category participation. Within this typology, participation is considered as a form of information sharing and participant contribution in a project. This form of participation is ideally functional in form, and acts to also legitimize external actors (Ref). Consultation is also highlighted in Whites typology within instrumental participation. In this form of participation, White suggests that consultation is practised and utilized by external parties to create efficiency (White, 1996). Citizens however, see this form of participation in terms of a cost, as their contribution to a programme results in a sense of lost opportunity for the citizens themselves (ref). In representative participation, White sees participations as active decision makers. This form of participation gives a voice to the participants, allowing them to influence the outcome of projects and promote sustainability (White, 1996). Active and dynamic participation ultimately leads to Whites last category: transformative participation. This form of participation sparks self mobilization, allowing participants to assertively find the solutions to their own problems (White, 1996). Overall Whites model is particularly useful in identifying the costs and benefits different groups of people experience with different forms of participation. There is however some limitations also associated with Whites conceptualization of participation. Ref has suggested that Upon analysis of the different typologies it is evident within the literature that Arnstein, Pretty and White have all contributed towards the concept of participation. The concept however, still remains largely unknown within the literature despite the contribution of these academics and more. Cornwall (2008) has suggested that because of this, participation has become embedded with an element of malleability, allowing it to mean different things to different people, in different places. The conceptual origins of participation have been rooted in a planning and political context. Ideas however, such as collective action, consultation and shared decision making have subsequently spilled over into an environmental management context. Natural resources are often at the centre of social tensions and conflict within communities. Such settings involve the presence of several actors all attempting to influence the many decisions associated with natural resource management (ref). The academic literature surrounding natural resources management has suggested that community members and stakeholders are often unable to contribute towards environmental decisions (Rowe and Frewer, 2000). Typically within natural resources management, scientists have primarily been identified as experts within the community, and have controlled the flow of information in the context of policy development (Jasanoff, 1994).This has been argued by some academics as problematic, suggesting that the views and opinions of the ordinary citizen may be influential for environmental management (Stirling, 2006). Cortner and Shannon (1993) has therefore, suggested that participation can be utilized as a vehicle to engage with public expression, and increase the transfer of knowledge and deliberative democracy (Stirling, 2008). Participation has been recognized as an important mechanism in achieving optimum environmental outcomes (Collins and Evans, 2002). Through participation, perspectives, v alues and opinions of different stakeholders and citizens can be identified and incorporated into environmental objectives (Cortner and Shannon, 1993). Participation within natural resource management can provide opportunities for stakeholder meetings and public consultations, increasing the scope of opportunity for non experts within the community to shape environmental decision making (Landy, 1993). Participation can therefore, be seen as a forum within which local knowledge, values and norms are integrated with conventional scientific knowledge. As illustrated above, the concept of participation is one that is malleable. Various forms of participation have been characterised by academics, leading one to believe that there is no one correct way of describing such a process. Several examples within the environmental literature highlight the malleability of participation. Increases in the adoption of local knowledge and collaborative management initiatives are all evidence of participatory methods in resource management. Kakadu National Park for instance is a primary example of where the integration of local knowledge in environmental management has been achieved through participatory methods (Hill and Press, 1993). During the 1960s a partnership was enacted between the indigenous community and non indigenous community of Australias Northern Territory to manage the Kakadu National Park. The area had been classified as a World Heritage site; therefore territorial environmental management objectives were promptly established to p rotect the areas archaeological heritage (Hough, 2009). Tension and conflict however arose when government officials attempted to solely manage the regions of the park. Approximately 50% of the park was within Aboriginal territory, therefore, local communities swiftly petitioned to become involved with the decision making process (Lane, 2001). The sustainable practices associated with the local Aboriginal communities, coupled with thousands of years of local knowledge led authorities to pursue joint management of the area (Hill and Press, 1993). Interchangeable and transferable knowledge from both scientists and the local communities were collated to establish management objectives for the native flora and fauna located within the regions of the park (Howitt, 2003). The national park today is managed by traditional Aboriginal members and the Australian National Director of Parks (Hill and Press, 2003). Participatory methods are also evident within New Zealand through collaborative management approaches. The Environmental Performance Indicator (EPI) project was established as New Zealands first indigenous sustainable monitoring programme (Jollands, 2006). Jollands and Harmsworth (2008) note that Maori people are an important community within New Zealand, owning both a considerable amount of the countrys resources, as well as holding a strong political standing in comparison to other ethnic groups. Various international and national obligations have driven the need for Maori participation in New Zealand environmental management (Jollands and Harmsworth, 2008). Internationally, declarations such as the Draft Declaration of Rights for Indigenous People (United Nations, 1993) and the Declaration on the Health and Survival of Indigenous Peoples have driven the need to foster indigenous practices and beliefs (United Nations, 2002). Within New Zealand, internal drivers such as the Treaty o f Waitangi have also supported the recognition of indigenous rights (Jollands, 2006). The Treaty of Waitangi provides the foundation upon which bicultural ties and partnerships in New Zealand are established (Orange, 1990). The EPI project was established by the Ministry of Environment as a way of incorporating Maori knowledge into environmental monitoring. For many years, Maori people have had an intrinsic relationship with the natural environment (Barlow, 1991). As Harmsworth and Tipa (2005) note, Maori have had a specific perception on environmental management, consisting of stewardship and holism. Such a framework has assisted Maori people in developing interpretations of the environment that help facilitate their practices and beliefs surrounding environmental use, degradation and sustainability (Jollands and Harmsworth, 2008). The EPI project was conceived as an opportunity for Maori to contribute towards sustainable monitoring in a way that acknowledged their traditions and norms. A Maori Environmental Monitoring Group (MEMG) was introduced by the Ministry of Environment as a panel of Maori environmental experts. The members on this panel provided the EPI project leaders with information about Ma ori environmental perspectives, objectives and goals (Maori Environmental Monitoring Group, 1998). The MEMG were given the forum to contribute towards environmental decision making on issues such as wetland restoration, biodiversity and marine protection. Such a process allowed Maori people to move towards a more active role within environmental management, and allow them to influence the outcomes of the EPI project through a more collaborative approach (Jollands and Harmsworth, 2008). Though participation can occur in a variety of forms as a mechanism for enabling social interaction within environmental decisions, some critics have argued against this (Rossi, 1997; Sanders, 1997; Collins and Evans, 2002; Campbell and Currie, 2006). Critics have questioned the capability of ordinary community members in comprehending complex scientific dilemmas (Sanders, 1997). Furthermore, others critics have also suggested that the term participation is often used to disguise practices in which citizens are simply briefed or consulted with (Sanders, 1997; Rossi, 1997). A fundamental limitation associated with the malleability of participation is that a false sense of citizen involvement can often be created through tokenism (Campbell and Currie, 2006). Specific groups of people, or member of an indigenous group for instance are purposely included around the environmental decision making table by politicians. Such an act appears to provide the image of fairness on the part of gove rnments or experts; however, in reality many of these representatives still remain uninfluential (Collins and Evan, 2002). The EPI project for instance ultimately received widespread criticism for its apparent attempts at tokenism (Jollands and Harmsworth, 2008). Though a Maori panel was set up to inform the EPI directors on indigenous perspectives, the members of the MEMG were unable to take part in the final decision making stages (Clarkson et al., 2002). Furthermore, as Jollands and Harmsworth (2008) notes, in hindsight, Maori were also unable to fully comprehend the scientific components of the project, making their ability to actively take part in the projects efforts futile. Issues of tokenism and passive participation have been identified within some of the models analyzed above. Arnstein, Pretty and White all acknowledge that within the scope of participation there are varying levels of how active participation is. The malleability of participation therefore, serves more so as a limitation for the concept rather than a strength. Though the concept of participation has the ability and freedom to t ransform into a range of meanings, its lack of a concentrate definition can simply be used to describe any process involving people (Cornwall, 2008). Participation has been proven to occur within a variety of contexts and engage with several different groups of people. The issue however, is that active participation is not apparent in all of these situations. Consultation for instance has been disguised within many circumstances as a form of participation. Its use has been prevalent within environmental management especially as a way to engage with important stakeholders and interest groups. Consultation however, as demonstrated with the case of the EPI project, is simply another name to describe tokenism (Clarkson et al., 2002). The actual interests of citizens are ignored within programme objectives, yet such practices are accepted and continued because they are categorised under the heading of participation (Jollands, 2006). As Gardiner and Parata (1999) suggests, there was a severe lack of clarity regarding the EPI programme. The information presented to Maori at the consultation meetings was often disorganized and prepared in a manner that was insensitive to Maori world views and customs. Therefore it is not surprising that Maori communities were confused about the definition of natural indicators and the science used in western forms of environmental monitoring (Ministry for the Environment, 1998). The EPI programme had demonstrated some attempts to include Maori in environmental monitoring. Critics have generally suggested that the EPI programme was superficial because the MfE was not willing to hand over control over resources to the MEMG (Jollands and Harmsworth, 2008). Due to such criticisms, the MfE had begun to reduce its focus to involve Maori in environmental monitoring. Much of the government and Ministrys efforts to include Maori and nurture indigenous monitoring methods had dissolved after the completion of the EPI programme (Downs and Clarkson, 2000). The EPI programme presented several issues that highlighted the initial difficulties of incorporating Maori in environmental monitoring. The MfE essentially set up the EPI programme with the intention of including a range of perspectives from important stakeholders. While its intentions were sound, the programme ultimately disallowed for the participation from other groups or individuals because EPI project leaders were unwilling to share power over resources, funding and decision making (Clarkson et al., 2002). The failures associated with the EPI programme can also be attributed to the principles under which the project was initiated. From the onset, western scientific notions and environmental thinking provided the basis for the programme. Therefore from the beginning issues in attempting to incorporate local knowledge should have been conceivable (Downs and Clarkson, 2000) Arnsteins Ladder is one of the first frameworks within the academic literature which characterises the different typologies of participation. Arnsteins typology of participation within a planning context provided an important pillar within the literature for characterising different stages of participation. Since Arnsteins framework, several other authors such Pretty and White have developed other various typologies to characterise participation. Upon evaluation it is clear that participation cannot be situated within one clear definition. Arnstein, Pretty and White all offer valuable interpretations for charactering participation. Like any framework, each of these authors typologies is limited by certain constraints. Arnsteins ladder has been criticised as being over simplistic and normative in nature. Prettys typology of participation is more detailed, and considers the interests of all the actors involved within the process of participation. Prettys framework however, consists of too many overlapping typologies, making it harder to distinguish between specific classifications of participation. Whites typology of participation . As Cornwall (2008) has suggested, the concept of participation is malleable, denoting itself to almost any form of social interaction between groups of people. Participation has been suggested within the environmental literature as an important mechanism for generating appropriate environmental outcomes. Participation within natural resource management however, has been used to mask instances of tokenism and passive participation. The malleability of participation is ultimately a hindrance. People can transform the definition of participation to describe a variety of social processes occurring within a society. A limitation to this however, is that the term can be applied to cover up processes such as tokenism and consultation, which are ultimately processes which promote non participation or passive participation.

Fundamentals of Teaching :: Education Teaching Philosophy

Fundamentals of Teaching As a teacher, children are my primary focus and responsibility. While I am a teacher of history, I am more importantly a teacher of children, no matter what class I am teaching. To lose sight of the needs of children is the surest way to fail as an educator. To succeed as a teacher, I must remain focused on the students at all times. Children are surely our greatest assets. Their ability to grow is astounding – a well-taught child can make leaps that would not have seemed possible at the beginning of the year. While they are amazing, children can also be very difficult for a teacher who cannot keep them focused. Maintaining control of the classroom is vital – no learning can happen without control. While children can make the teacher’s life difficult, this should not frustrate the teacher. Education is, despite its difficulty, a vital task. Education prepares our children for potential success in a difficult world, a world in which education is vital. Ideally, education should also help to reduce the class inequality that is so pervasive in our society. It is my hope that, education can provide students with an opportunity to get out of poverty, instead of maintaining the poor quality of life that many students experience. As a teacher of history, it is also important for me to make history interesting and immediately relevant for my students. For too long, history has been taught as a boring mass of facts that students must memorize, repeat and then forget. Few students ever really remember, much less understand, the history that they learn in high school. Instead, they often hate history, and see it as a dead discipline and a waste of time. One of my goals as a history teacher is to change this perception and to make history an interesting and engaging subject that students will like. This will not be an easy task; however, I am dedicated to getting my students interested in history. In order to make this happen, my primary resource will be a higher-level approach to history. My students will be exposed to the causal nature of history, and asked to consider the causes and effects of historical events. My students will be able to place historical events in context and, as a result, will understand why they happened.

Born in Yorkshire in 1934, Alan Bennett. :: English Literature

Born in Yorkshire in 1934, Alan Bennett. Born in Yorkshire in 1934, Alan Bennett has been writing, performing and directing since his first theatrical encounters as a student at Oxford in the early 1960's. He first gained success at the Edinburgh Festival Fringe and later, in collaboration with Dudley Moore, Peter Cooke and Jonathan Miller, enjoyed considerable acclaim with the original Beyond the Fringe. (www.museum.tv. Accessed 26/01/03) Alan Bennett is the archetypal Northerner, his bespeckled, dour appearance make him an unlikely celebrity and he would not look out of place as a slightly muddled professor or, as Bennett himself observes, a vicar. He says on the subject of appearances 'people often end up doing what the mirror tells them they are suited for, while feeling themselves quite different inside. And in the process whole lives are thrown away' (Observer.co.uk. Accessed 21/01/03) Bennett writes about ordinary people, involved in mundane activities, but with his unique style he can liven up the dullest tale and add interest to life's lonely outcasts. Although the stories in Talking Heads are fiction, it is easy to see that some are influenced from events in Bennett's early life. His mother suffered from depression and he uses his experience of mental illness as a core for some of his characters. As he says, the people he writes about are 'part of a story to the meaning of which they are not entirely privy' (Observer.co.uk. Accessed 21/01/03) A reflection of Bennett's own sexuality can be seen in the character of Graham in A Chip in the Sugar, who is portrayed as an uncomfortable homosexual. Bennett described his sexuality during an interview in the New Yorker in 1993 thus 'I'd always been in love with guys but always unhappily' (Observer.co.uk. Accessed 21/01/03) Although not included in the collections of Talking Heads, the concept actually started with 'A Woman of No Importance', which was first televised in 1982. It began the trend that Bennett carried on in both Talking Heads 1 and 2. Both of these compilations contain works with similar themes running through them, loneliness, unhappiness, alienation from a changed society, and vague mental illness. The ironic wit Bennett uses to convey the almost tragic stories are central to how the characters accept the way their lives have turned out (www.museum.tv. Accessed 21/01/03) The theme of loneliness and alienation from a changed society runs like a thread through all six of the first Talking Heads stories. Each of the characters portray a struggle to 'fit in' with everyday life, some are alone and lonely, and some in a relationship of some kind, yet still lonely. The gentle humour used in each of the tales makes

Gang Leader for a Day Essay

In the book, Gang Leader for a Day, a rogue sociologist passionately dives into the lives of one of Chicago’s toughest housing projects in an attempt to develop an insight as to how the urban impoverished lived. Throughout the text it becomes clear that a conflict paradigm is being reflected. A conflict society is based on social inequality, in which some individuals benefit and thrive more than others, which tends to lead to conflict and thus change. This is evident both in the housing projects where a gang known as the â€Å"Black Kings† take over and also in the surrounding neighborhoods where the more elite citizens, including persons from the authors university, shy away from associating with the nearby poor black nearby public, thus creating unbalanced communities. In the text the author, Sudhir Venkatesh, observes how elites use their power to control the less powerful. This is evident in the Robert Taylor Homes, where the Black Kings profit from drug sales that control the community, while the rest of the families are struggling to survive. There even appear to be hierarchies within a hierarchy. For example, within the Black Kings gang there were leaders such as a man known as â€Å"J.T.†, who would make thousands in profits from commanding others and then there were young teenage men who actually sold the drugs and barely earned minimum wage (256). Aside from the drug sale employees, other workers such as those who ran shops or did menial work from their high rises were also controlled by the gangs, who would use fear tactics to implement various taxes upon them. Clearly the majority of the society is being controlled by the middle and upper-class from surrounding neighborhoods and also the gangs in the lower-class community, creating social inequality. However, conflict and change do appear by the end of the book when the Chicago Housing Authority along with President Clinton decides to demolish Robert Taylor Homes in hopes of eliminating the hierarchy of gangs and stimulating a more prosperous society (269-270). There are many different factors presented in the text that lead to the disadvantage of poverty, including social, institutional, economic, and political influences. The obvious social influences were the relationships between and within the gangs. Although members within the gang act as a family, always protecting each other, the members who weren’t as fortunate to be party of their inner circle were treated unjustly, such as C-Note (62). Since gangs took over the disadvantaged community, they had control over who was allowed to move up in the social ladder and who was not. Since the community was filled with violence, thefts, drug abuse, and prostitutes, people tended not to trust each other, which would explain why it must have been so hard for the citizens to keep steady relationships and jobs (105). If there was no trust within relationships, clearly it would be hard to make yourself known in the community as a decent and honorable person who can handle a job. I believe it was because of these unstable relationships that so many persons in Robert Taylor Homes had to succumb to menial work as their source of income. Institutions such as work, school, and hospitals also influenced the sustainment of poverty. For example, the police refused to patrol Robert Taylor Homes because they believed it was too risky and there were only â€Å"two social-service centers for nearly twenty thousand children† (37). Similarly, hospital’s rarely ever responded to shootings in the neighborhood and when children dropped out of school there wasn’t much encouragement to get them back in. The lack of public assistance was clearly a factor in creating and maintaining poverty since the citizens had a lack of resources to free themselves from their difficulties. Furthermore, even if the police or other institutions were present, they were extremely flawed. This is evident in the fact the certain police would raid gang parties and steal their belongings, openly violating the law themselves (231). If cops displayed law breaking, how could they expect their citizens to dutifully follow the law? Another flawed institution was the Chicago Housing Authority, which demolished public housing to replace it with recreation (262). Not only did they take away the only homes the poor had, but also ineffectively relocated them to a community where they could thrive. One of the main economic problems that many people, particularly gangs, in Robert Taylor faced was the fact that they didn’t want to trade in their status for entry-level jobs because in many cases, gang leaders made far more than they would have if they worked minimum wage jobs (72). Many of the gang leaders such as J.T. held the false belief that the drug economy was â€Å"useful for the community, since it redistributed the drug addict’s money back into the community via the gang’s philanthropy† (115). However, the drug economy is not a stable or lucrative economy compared to your average jobs because it was clearly very hard for people to get ahead in gangs, thus no one ever had a fair shot of earning more money in their life span. Nevertheless, the situation can tend to be a grey area of debate since a lot of the residents did attempt to hold blue-collar jobs but continued to get laid off (60). In this case, the underground economy of drug sales may have been the only choice for residents looking for an income. Another way the gangs play into the economic situation is when there are drive by shootings, in which case parents would have to take time off from work to stay home with their kids (105). This further goes to show the negative widespread effects of gangs on urban, poor communities in that their illegal drug sales or shootings sustained the low SES of parents with real jobs. The political economy of outlaw capitalism evident in the text is another flawed institution creating poverty (37). As touched upon earlier, if the government allows certain communities to run these underground social systems where only one group benefits, then the community will obviously continue to be poorly balanced. The majority of the community will be fighting for a means of income while the various gangs benefit from the only wealth available. Another political flaw is that members of the community were told how to vote. It appeared that the gangs had a misconstrued depiction of how to go about political reform. Their idea of responsible voting was to gather in meetings and choose the alderman who would best keep the police away from their drug economy, â€Å"there was no discussion of platform, no list of vital issues† (77). The lack of knowledge of real political issues was ultimately detrimental to the community as a whole, as the cycle of outlaw capitalism would ju st continue to rule Robert Taylor. As mentioned before, Robert Taylor was heavily run by gangs, leading to various social factors such as marginalization, alienation, disempowerment, and social Darwinism to overtake the community. Robert Taylor residents were marginalized by the gangs within their community and also as a whole by the larger community through government neglect and vicious rumors to alienate them from the more elite neighborhoods (36). This ties in to the disempowerment in Robert Taylor, which is highly evident in the gangs where there are leaders who control drug dealers, squatters, foot soldiers, etc. (50-51). In this hierarchy, if a member of the gang disobeys the rules, such as by withholding money, then the leader will disempower that individual, forbidding them to sell drugs for a week or even a month – in effect, decreasing their income. Similarly, social Darwinism is evident in drug dealers because the process is essentially based off of the idea that those who are â€Å"fittest† or most able will thrive while the so-called â€Å"weak† are left to die. For instance, if drug dealers are fearful they could be shot, if mothers refuse to sell their bodies, they could have no food for their children that week. Even residents with real, marketplace jobs are subjected to this theory, as none of their jobs are very stable and they could succumb to an absence of income at any time. I believe it is both a â€Å"culture of poverty† and a lack of resources that are responsible for the â€Å"deviant† behavior and poverty in Robert Taylor. Clearly there is a high lack of resources, such as the police or hospital who won’t respond to calls in the neighborhood (37, 48). For example, if there are no police then gangs can get away with beating each other up instead of letting the law handle it (226) . Yet at the same time it is the gangs who encourage the younger generation to become part of their culture, instilling violent behaviors in them from a young age (258). Due to the absence of government assistance programs for the poor, citizens grew up with the belief that they were infinitely bound to poverty. In effect, they developed traits that would benefit their lifestyle, such as the drug economy, but did not bother developing skills that would extend beyond their culture of poverty, such as an education. Even when residents had a chance to make a better life for themselves and escape the projects, they would become â€Å"lonely† and move back (248). It is because of this continual neglect from society that the residents develop feelings of helplessness and marginality, ultimately leading to a â€Å"culture of poverty.† In the text, the author was able to get a very personal insight into the lives of those living in the projects, something that definitely expanded the sociological depiction of poverty (43-44). However, the fact that he failed to inform the university of what he was doing or follow any reporting requirements was not very ethical of him in acquiring his research (119). Before becoming part of the lives of gang members, he should have become informed on the fact that there is no research-client confidentiality for academic researchers (186). His lack of pursuit of this knowledge was immoral because he could have jeopardized the lives of Robert Taylor residents if he ever had to testify against them. One line the author should not have crossed was becoming a gang leader for a day, making what was supposed to be a research-client relationship far too casual. It is the fact that he knowingly crossed the line from observer to participant on multiple occasions by â€Å"hearing jokes, shari ng a beer, and loaning someone a dollar† that made his methods unethical (107).